Eisenhowers New Look Defence Policy Analysis

Eisenhowers natural Look disproof Policy AnalysisDwight D. Eisenhower could be arguably of the closely influential presidents in get together States of Americas History. Elected as the 34th president of the United States, he was previously a General in the American host with a rank of five stars and he was a Supreme Commander during valet War II and oversaw key passage of armss such as the Normandy Landings. This general, after the United States, victory would go on to win a bid to croak President of the United States. One of the most important areas in which his leadership would be most notable is his New Look insurance to bed with rising tensions with the yoke of Soviet Socialist Republics. This essay will scrutinize the goals and achievements of Eisenhowers New Look insurance policy and how efficacious it was in design, intent and execution.In order to grasp the motivations, timings and ca procedures behind Eisenhowers New Look defence policy -which had a focus on uph olding U.S military commitments at lesser cost -one must realize that after the successful utilization of atomic artillerys in the World War II in Hiroshima, Japan on the sixth of August, 1945, and the subsequent atomic pelt in Nagasaki on the 9th of August, 1945, traditional forms of battle -which involved a heavy and almost singular reliance on troops on the ground -was made obsolete (Barlow, 19722). Furthermore, by the magazine Eisenhower began his first term as President in 1953, Soviet coalition and The United kingdom had already been exploring their nuclear capabilities, however, despite the United Nations clapperclaw for an abolition of atomic weapons in January of 1946, the USSR tested its first atomic bomb on the 29th of 1946, while the United Kingdom tested nuclear weapons on the 3rd on October, 1945 (Icanw.org, 2017). This non-compliance by two the United Kingdom -an ally of the U.S -and the Soviet Union, meant that the rising tensions caused USSRs expansionist a mbitions, its war with Japan and clutch of southern parts of and the Japaneses Kuril and Sakhalin islands in 1945, its Berlin Blockade, it alliance treaty with commie chinaware for three decades (1950) and the Korean War (1950 1953) -which heavily weakened its relationship with the air jacket -meant that the USSR, when combined with its nuclear capabilities, could not be ignored by the westbound or the U.S, and proved to be an antagonism to its virtues of liberty (BBC, 2013). Another reason as to why tensions with the USSR and communist China was an issue of much anxiousness was communism. The rising tides of communism where particularly of interest to the US because had begun to witness a slackening of solidarity and hesitancy with its allies when it came to supporting solid action against communist aggrandizement (Cooling and Watson, 1989).In the face of the aforementioned actions by the USSR, the relationship with a post-war Eisenhowers U.S was, to say the least, strained. Eisenhowers campaign for president included his ideas that would later become cognise as his New Look Policy. In his campaign, he was sure to tension that after the costs attri exactlyed to World War II, the Soviet threat to the U.S would negatively affect the U.S. in two major ways economically and militarily (Barlow, 197211). After hearing the recommendations of the out-going Truman Administration, which supported the USSRs opponents in Europe, Eisenhower favoured Trumans Containment policies which, according to Barlow (197210), placed and ferocity on enlarging the numbers of the armed forces, putting more effort into conventional forces located in Europe, launching a Far Eastern defending Perimeter and security system, increasing assistance to Formosas Chinese statealists and French forces in Indochina and extending more aid to countries surrounding the USSR and CPR. This stance by the Truman administration was prudent, but it would soon become insufficient. This insufficie ncy would become apparent not precisely because of the Soviets nuclear test in August on 1953 -which was s plane months into Eisenhowers governing body -but because of the economic stability Eisenhower longed for and campaigned for, was now threatened by the USSR. Due to this seeming(prenominal) gridlock, Eisenhower suffered from much indecision because he knew that another war could impart irreparable damage to the U.S. economy, nut he also wished to somehow mitigate or contain the growing threat that he USSR and its allies had become.Moreover, the first pivotal modification in the U.S. nuclear strategy under Eisenhower took place on the 12th of January of 1954 (Njolstad, 199416). This shift -which would later become known as gigantic requital -was announced by Eisenhowers Secretary of State, John further Dulles, and stated that if the any future mles with communist countries should occur, the U.S. would break up to depend primarily upon a great capacity to retaliate, inst antly, by room and at places of our own choosing (Njolstad, 199416). This stance, which is decisive and steadfast stance in equipment casualty of hostile policy, could be argued to be decisive, but harboured a spirit of offensiveness that Eisenhowers predecessors (Truman and Roosevelt) were reluctant to take. In fairness to Eisenhower and his Secretary of State, Barlow (19721) clarifies that the words massive vengeance were not used in a context that involved the U.S.s answer to a foreign affair, but concerned unless local defences. In contrast, Njolstad (199416-17) argues that even if the words massive retaliation were not uttered by Dulles, the message within Dulles dustup on the 12th of January, 1954, the speech was unambiguous the United States, it seemed, would respond to any future aggression or attacks it overseas bases, itself or its allies within the Cold War with a swift nuclear attack on Chinese and Soviet cities, military installation/bases and industrial plants .The differences, based on the massive retaliation were most notable because they signalled the United States assureed nuclear weapons a device one only uses when all other strategies have been exhausted, but it suggested the United States had now adopted a nuclear-first solvent to attack or aggression from the Soviet Union or Chinese (Njolstad199417). Furthermore, Eisenhower utilized press conferences at the measure to mark the fact that unlike Truman, he would utilize nuclear weapons against attacks or conflicts that strategic targets that were imperative to the U.S. and its allies (Njolstad199417). Another key tenet of massive retaliation was the imprecise timing and location of US nuclear ambitions this was deliberate on the part of Eisenhower because one of the major objectives of massive retaliation was to undermine whatever assumptions the Soviet leaders might have had about symmetry in the midst of their own aggressive acts and the subsequent American responses (Njols tad 199418).In order to right gauge the successes and failures of the New Look defence policy, the military posture and the environment which prompted its effectuation must be discussed. During Eisenhowers early rule as President, the U.S had an evident and tactical superiority because of its vast stores of atomic weapons (hydrogen bombs), while the Soviet Union was importantly inferior because of the grave immaturity of its nuclear capabilities (Slanchev, 2014). This reliance on atomic weapons to help contain Soviet ambitions and communism, according to Barlow (197231), had more discernible check -due to the fear of what happened in Hiroshima and Nagasaki -during Roosevelts and Trumans presidencies, but also held significant weight during Eisenhowers presidency.patronage the somewhat staunch reliance Eisenhower could be as having when it came to his monolithic Retaliations colony on nuclear weapons, Eisenhower was actually disinclined to a nuclear confrontation. accord to Soa pes (198058), Eisenhower not only had an interest in curtailing the nuclear arms race that had begun well before Nagasaki and Hiroshima, but he was also wary and tremendous of a nuclear holocaust as it seemed this was the directions that the world was heading towards. This asset inputs a different dimension into the mind of Eisenhower because it replaces the image of Eisenhower being a general with and an enthusiasm for war, with one of a cautious leader that prioritized peace. During this time in history, it was no secret that America had, not only a stockpile of nuclear weapons, but a growing arsenal. Eisenhower, in response to this arsenal, stated that, security through arms is only a centreto an end. Peace, in a very real sense is an end in itself (Soapes, 198058).In contrast to the aforementioned hesitation put forward Soapes (1980), Rubinson (2011295) states that in all of Eisenhowers terms in office, a pronuclear inclination has always been relegate in his New Look polic y, Massive Retaliation and brinkmanship policies (brinkmanship was a view that essentially threatened war to achieve a goal, but had no intention of following through), furthermore, in towards the end of January 1956, Secretary of State, John Foster Dulles, and U.S. UN Representative, Henry Cabot Lodge, associated world peace to U.S. nuclear munitions by saying, The greatest hit factor in the world today for peace is our atomic superiority.The effectiveness of Eisenhowers New Look policy is a topic solicits strong opinions from academics. An provable weakness that one might gather from Eisenhowers administrations heavy reliance on nuclear weapons on the divergence from conventional forces. United States General, Maxwell Taylor, debated even if a conflict should arise, the U.S. would still need conventional forces, and the massive cuts that Eisenhower had subjected the army to -in favour of nuclear weapons -could not mitigate communist aggression in place Korea (Slanchev, 20145). F urthermore, General Taylor, in reference to Korean war -in which mating Korea ( endorse by the USSR and China) invaded South Korea (backed by the U.S.) in hopes of unifying the country -stated that nuclear weapons would largely ineffective against a war that was fighting an ideology kinda of a visible opponent (Slanchev, 20145). This weakness of the Massive Retaliation policy in Eisenhowers New Look policy is immensely striking because it brings to the cutting edge the point that much of the Cold War was a war of ideologies backed by military force. Because both the USSR and the US were polarized as figureheads in the conflict between communist and capitalism, the war in Korea was, in galore(postnominal) ways, a proxy war. Secondly, nuclear weapons, if used in the Korean conflict, could geologically abandon the very country they wished to free from the clutches of communism or capitalism, and because both forms of governments needed the land to be viable for agriculture, a nucl ear weapon could end up destabilising the countrys land in a way that persisted for many decades.Another weakness of the New Look was its lack of consideration that the USSR, which was staidly behind in nuclear technology, would quickly develop its own nuclear capabilities. The USSRs nuclear capabilities were at a point where they could launch their own nuclear weapons in the year of 1957 this not only made the United States Massive Retaliation largely less effective, but it meant that the U.S. could no longer use its nuclear weight to acquire certain assurance from the U.S. (Slanchev, 2014). This outcome by Eisenhowers policies is described by Power (201414) a failed psychological threat, and, because this threat was no longer viable, the U.S. now looked weak (in terms of diplomacy) because the all-or-nothing premise which was the foundation of the New Look defence policy had now backfired massively. Furthermore, Massive retaliation real much backlash from Americans former govern or of Illinois and future United States ambassador to the United Nations, Mr. Adlai Stevenson II said in criticism of Massive Retaliation, are we leaving ourselves the grim choice of inaction or a nuclear holocaust? Are we indeed inviting Moscow to nibble us to demise? (Barlow, 197254). This backlash cost the Eisenhowers administration dearly because they had placed their defense and foreign policy on what was essentially a bluff, and now that the U.S. had lost its mastery on nuclear weapons, it found itself uniquely vulnerable against a nation it had ostensibly bullied into submission with the threat of a nuclear assault.ReferencesIcanw.org, (2017). Nuclear weapons timeline ICAN. online Icanw.org. usable at http//www.icanw.org/the-facts/the-nuclear-age/ Accessed 20 Feb. 2017.BBC, (2013). Soviet Union timeline BBC News. online BBC News. Available at http//www.bbc.co.uk/ tidings/world-europe-17858981 Accessed 20 Feb. 2017.Cooling, B. and Watson, R. (1989). History of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. Volume 5, The Joint Chiefs of Staff and internal Policy, 1953-1954. The American Historical Review, 94(1), pp.100-356.